Statement of
Dr. Emma Epps
Superintendent of Schools
Ecorse, Michigan

and President of the National Alliance of Black School Educators

Given on Behalf of The
National Alliance of Black School Educators to

The Senate (HELP) Committee on Education and The Committee on Education and Senator Edward M. Kennedy and the Workforce Congressman George Miller

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It has been only 41 years since the Congress and the Johnson Administration moved to help eliminate the large educational gaps that had long persisted among students from different socioeconomic levels in our society, through the Elementary and Secondary  Education Act of 1965.  The notion was bold and courageous because, at that time, no country in the world was in possession of proven strategies for quickly closing such gaps. Indeed, here in the United States, educators and policymakers did not yet have good national data on the extent of the academic achievement differences among groups. However, the data that were available suggested that disadvantaged students from all racial and ethnic groups were experiencing much less academic success than they should or could. Congress and the president had the wisdom to make substantial new investments in the education of disadvantaged children, with the expectation that more effective strategies could be developed over time. Though the Act was originally authorized through 1970, it has been reauthorized every 5 years since.  It is important to note four significant changes in this Act:

1.   1970:  In response to widespread reports of misused federal funds, the law clamped down on how Title I was spent.  The legislation added a requirement that federal aid “supplement, not supplant” money spent by states and localities and that Title I schools receive state and local aid “comparable” to that received by other schools in the state.

2.   1978:  In a reauthorization, Title I aid for the first time can be spent “school wide” if at least 75 percent of children in the school are eligible for the aid.  Required that parent advisory committees sign off on local Title I plans.

3.   1988:  The law takes important steps toward the kind of student testing and accountability later expanded upon.  Districts must annually assess, based on standardized-test scores, the effectiveness of Chapter 1 programs in schools.  Program improvement plans are required for each school that does not make substantial progress toward raising student achievement.  Increased use of school wide by dropping requirement to 50 percent.

4.   1994:  President Bill Clinton signs the Improving Americas Schools Act, a reauthorization of the ESEA that requires states to develop standards and aligned assessments for all students.  Districts also must identify schools not making “adequate yearly progress” and take steps to improve them, though the law is far less strict than the 2001 version in defining AYP and applying consequences to schools that don’t make it.

It is important to note that Title I was and still is an anchor of the bill.  Title I was (and is) technically racially and ethnically neutral. Many educators and policymakers at the time undoubtedly recognized that these programs would be of disproportionate value to African American, Hispanic and Native American children and youth, because much higher percentages of these youngsters were growing up in poverty than was the case for Whites. That, ladies and gentlemen, remains true today. In fact, states with the highest percentage of African Americans in schools is also where we find the highest levels of poverty.

At the core of NABSE's recommendations for the reauthorization of Title I of the Elementary .and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) is the notion that parity and equity in student achievement, and excellence in educational attainment for all citizens is first, dependent on the equitable targeting of federal dollars based on need and second, a substantial investment in other education-relevant resources' that positively affect the ~~ educational experience of students. The popular press and much of the country's polity equate poor Black and Latino students only with urban communities. The reality is that a significant number of African-American children attend schools in very poor rural communities. Of the current 300 African-American Superintendents in the country, two- thirds head either poor rural or newly re-segregated school district in suburban rings.  The latest poverty study from the Carsey Institute at the University of New Hampshire reports that 22% of all children now live in poverty.  It has gone up 4% since 2000 and remains most severe in the South. Though we believe our recommendations will benefit every student in America, we speak specifically to the needs of poor students of African descent who reside in rural and inner-city America or in the recently re-:-segregated suburban rings of America's metropolises.

The stated purpose of the 1965 Title I Act included the following:

In recognition of the special educational needs of low-income families and the impact that concentrations of low-income families have on the ability of local educational agencies to support adequate educational programs, the Congress hereby declares it to be the policy of the United States to provide financial assistance to local educational agencies serving areas with concentrations of children from low-income families to expand and improve their educational programs by various means (including preschool programs) which contribute particularly to meeting the special educational needs of educationally deprived children.

In short, Title I was designed to compensate for or overcome the disadvantages in children's economic status, and learning associated with home, school, or community experience.  We recommend the inclusion of the above language as one of the stated purposes of the Title I Act, coupled with a call for high challenging academic standards that focus on the achievement for students and accountability at the state and local level for results.

We applaud the efforts of the Congress and the Administration to look at research as a lever for policy and legislation. But we would request that you review all of it, in a bi- partisan way, not just at the research that supports a particular perspective. We ask you also to look at the widespread research and reports that cut across all policies and philosophical perspectives from James Coleman in 1966 to L. Scott Miller in 1995 that purport: in order for the poor, the disadvantaged and/or the under-served in our society to achieve robust educational advancement at both individual and group levels there must be a long term opportunity structure in place; a structure that assures that educationally- relevant resources are part of the federal construct.

We believe that the elimination of the educational achievement gaps between America's poor children and its other children is as significant to national defense as “smart bombs”, stealth fighters, and worldwide military bases.

First, we unequivocally recommend that the financial capital that the federal government makes available for the reauthorization of Title I be targeted to the poorest children in the poorest schools in the poorest school districts.  We adhere to the theoretical framework on education-relevance resources as explained by L. Scott Miller in his book, An American Imperative: Accelerating Minoritv Educational Advancement. Yale University Press. 1995.

Education-relevant resources encompass the idea that the amount of educational resources varies from school to school across the country, and the amount of resources available from students' families varies even more. So, even a school with excellent resources may not be able to fully ) help some students. Education-relevant resources include:

  • Human capital (the acquired knowledge, skills, and experience that a person has accumulated in his/her lifetime that can be a benefit to others through education):

  • Social capital (the relationships ad personal bonds that people share in addition to the networks, groups and communities that grow out of these relationships);

  • Health capital (amount of access that a student has to quality health treatment, and the health conditions in which the student lives);

  • Financial capital (the income and savings of the family of the student); and

  • Polity capital (how much society is committed to educating the student).

Secondly, there is broad support among NABSE members for the comprehensive use of federal resources so that the resource provides significant input on achievement. We, however, believe that the current 50% poverty population threshold for Title I funding does not adequately guarantee that all poor children's' education will be sufficiently impacted in a school or school district. We further believe that too many school wide programs that simply became general aid dilute the purpose of Title I as a funding stream for the neediest and most disadvantaged. Therefore, we strongly recommend that the legislation move the threshold for school wide programs to schools with children with at least a 60% poverty rate in 2000 and 75% in subsequent reauthorizations to assure greater accountability of the use of the funds.

Third, NABSE membership does support high standards for all students. The membership also supports a commitment to standards-based reform and a federal role in its implementation. In order to determine efficacy of the federal impact, NABSE, recommends that new language on accountability and assessment be carefully reviewed:  We support the notion that data reporting, data collection, and data analysis be disaggregate by a cohort of such based on significant indicators.  However, we urge you to eliminated the language of sub-groups..it is insulting. (e.g., race, income, English language proficiency, etc.). If Congress and/or the States attach high stake consequences to assessment for schools and/or school districts, then Congress and States must be sure that they have provided a vehicle for assigning education-relevant resources, education-relevant strategies, education-relevant safety nets and techniques to schools and school districts for addressing high stake issues.

Fourth, though Title I has been treated as a funding stream, it is much more. There must be language that is not punitive, but resolves not to fund classrooms where failing teachers continue to reside. The provisions in the current law require that, school wide, there be good teachers, effective strategies, and most importantly, timely and effective individual assistance for students struggling to meet standards. These provisions must be enforced and strengthened. We do not need to dwell on the fact that there are a large and growing number of national studies, observations and reports which reveal that the least qualified, the most under-qualified and the least competent teachers are most often assigned to classrooms comprised of the most academically needy, the poorest achieving and the traditionally under-served student populations.

In order for America's poor children to meet challenging standards and to close the achievement gap among them and middle class and wealthy students, they must have extensive access to adults who are competent in subject matter, employ multiple instructional strategies, who know or understand the diverse population they serve, and who serve as advocates for their students' right to grow, to learn and to be academically successful. Our membership supports measures designed to assure that both highly qualified teachers are in America's classrooms of the poor and that measurable improvement in student achievement be a factor in the performance assessment of those teachers.
Finally, we need no other studies to inform us that parents and family input are critical education-relevant resources. Sufficient studies exist which provide us with this knowledge. It is NABSE's view that it is in the interest of national defense for the federal government to assist localities in increasing the opportunities and level of critical parent input that continues to be illusive for the parents of poor children.

The requirements of the original legislation must be enforced with: a) accompanying language for a better dissemination construct to inform parents as to the basic requirements and benefits of parent involvement; b) appropriate technical assistance strategies to implement parent involvement requirements currently in the law; and c) appropriate measures that require that states provide guidance and direction to local districts as to the importance of complying with parent involvement requirements.

It is not enough to talk about parent involvement. In order to really level the playing field at the parent level, we believe that poor parents must have access to the same awareness, insights and understanding as their middle class cohorts. To that end, we advocate Title I parent programs to support independent, locally based and culturally relevant family training centers that partner with local school districts to help poor parents identify, analyze and value the processes of education in support of their children receiving a high quality education. As one of the leading African American advocates and implementers of strategies for children of African decent has posited: “Access to well resourced education is a civil right.”  We continue to support many aspects of the elementary and secondary act including some of the provisions of its current incarnation in  NCLB.  We strongly urge Congress to stop simply authorizing language, but to also provide for well-resourced education (including the “dollars” that includes rich and repeated opportunities for teaching and learning, in school and out of school.

Our position on the reauthorization is consistent with the legislative agenda that we have set for FY 2007.  It is as follows as attached: